Wall Street Journal -
October 17, 2006
COMMENTARY
400,000,000
he
fact that the U.S. population will soon top 300 million has led some
environmentalists to gnash their teeth over the nation's ability to handle
our expanded "ecological footprint." One can also imagine that few champagne
bottles are being popped in Parisian salons.
And there's even worse news ahead for those who hate the notion of
numerous Americans: By 2050 there will be 400 million of us. This surge
marks a major watershed in our history, recreating the American Republic and
leaving us with unprecedented challenges and remarkable opportunities.
* * *
Today, the U.S. stands out as the only leading industrial power —
over time India could prove the other — with a surging population. Due
to immigration and higher birth rates, the U.S. population is now growing
two to three times faster than South Korea's and Britain's, and also far
faster than China's. Our other major competitors, such as Russia, Japan and
Germany, are either demographically stagnant or are already about to start
losing population.
These demographic changes are remarkable. At the height of the Cold War,
the former Soviet Union was more populous than the U.S. In 2050 the remnant
of that empire, the Russian Republic, will have barely one-third to
one-fourth the population of the U.S. Taken together, our greatest rivals of
the 20th century — Germany, Japan and Russia — are projected to
eventually have 130 million fewer people than we do. Even as the European
community expands eastwards, virtually the entire region suffers low
birthrates, including many of the former Soviet Bloc countries such as
Bulgaria and Estonia. By 2050 the entire European Union — without the
addition of Muslim Turkey — will have a largely aging population of
less than 450 million.
This shift in population trends will directly impact these countries'
bottom lines — from the growth of the work force to consumption
patterns — while putting unprecedented stress on pension and health
systems. The U.S. will also be aging, but it will still be a relative spring
chicken compared to the likes of Germany, Japan, South Korea and Italy. By
2050, roughly one-third of the population in these countries will be over
65, compared to around one-fifth in the U.S.
These population dynamics are also likely to create different attitudes
between Americans and our competitors. As fewer Italians, Germans, Japanese,
Koreans and Russians have families — in one recent survey half of
Italian women 16 to 24 said they want no children — there is likely to
be a continued shift away from traditional concerns about future
generations. A nation of aging, childless adults — some without
nieces, nephews or even siblings — is less likely to act like
responsible adults, whose primary concerns center on the fate of their
offspring and their offspring's offspring.
Despite the desires of some new urbanists and "smart growth" activists to
cram people into dense cities and regions, the America of 2050 —
contrary to the contention of some demographers — also will likely be
far more dispersed. A combination of new telecommunications technologies and
rising land prices will accelerate the shift of population beyond the
current suburban fringes and into the countryside. The demographer Wendell
Cox calls this "sprawl beyond sprawl." It is driven by the simple fact,
according to most recent surveys, that the vast majority of Americans —
upward of 80% — still prefer single-family homes over apartments,
while no more than 10% to 15% want to live near the central core.
Unless there is some sort of cultural revolution, most people,
particularly families, are likely to continue migrating to places where they
can acquire a spot of land and a little privacy. And despite the much
ballyhooed "return to the city" by aging boomers, most experts suggest that
most are either staying in the suburbs or moving to towns farther out in the
hinterland. At least 30% of Americans, according to surveys by the National
Association of Realtors and the Fannie Mae Foundation, express the desire to
move to the country or a small environment, far more than live there now.
The scale of this dispersion depends largely on urban governance. If cities
cannot, due to economic or regulatory constraints, provide sufficient job
opportunities, people and businesses naturally will flee elsewhere. Other
factors, such as preserving family-friendly neighborhoods and stamping out a
nascent resurgence in crime, will also be critical.
Despite these trends, there is no compelling reason for cities not to
continue serving as primary centers of the nation's economic and cultural
life. For one thing, 10% to 15% of 400 million is not exactly chopped liver.
There will be room for some serious urban infill when you figure another
additional 15 million city-dwellers will be added over the next 45 years.
The roster of great American cities will continue to evolve. There's
little chance that aging industrial cities such as Detroit, Baltimore or
Cleveland will regain their former prominence. By the same token, due to
their dominance in particular industries, New York (finance and media) and
Los Angeles (entertainment and Pacific Rim commerce) are all but certain to
remain vibrant, if troubled, super-metropolises.
The shift of corporate headquarters and key industries to new cities
could catapult more affordable, business-friendly cities such as Houston
(energy, inter-American trade and medical care) and even Las Vegas (the
global fantasy-factory) into true global centers. Fast growing cities like
Phoenix, Charlotte, Dallas, Orlando and San Antonio will also likely become
far more important and cosmopolitan.
Ideologues on the left and right both consider America's changing racial
mix as something certain to undermine society. Conservatives generally see
the possible emergence of a "majority minority" population as precursor to
social crackup and the demise of traditional Anglo-Saxon values. Leftist
intellectuals envision a nation where Anglo-Saxon norms are demolished in
favor of a hodgepodge of quasi-autonomous ethnic communities. Both sides
miss the point entirely. Few people immigrate to America so they can
recreate conditions they fled in Mexico, Iran, China or Cuba. And even if
the first generation might feel some tug of the old language and culture,
virtually every study of the second generation indicates increasing
integration into the American mainstream, both linguistically and
culturally.
Several factors will accelerate this process. One is the continuing
movement of minorities and immigrants into the suburbs, which tend to be
less hospitable to the creation of segregated racial enclaves. If you want
to find the newest and biggest Chinese supermarkets, Hindu temples, or
mosques, the best place to look is not the teeming cities but the outer
suburbs of Los Angeles, New York or Houston. Just travel to places where few
Manhattan or Washington pundits venture, like Ft. Bend County outside
Houston. The largely affordable middle-class suburb has a population that is
just under half white, one-fifth African-American, one-fifth Hispanic and
around 12% Asian. It's the new American melting pot, and, more or less, it's
working.
Our population growth certainly indicates belief in the collective
American future. But accommodating this surge clearly will require a strong
response from both the public and private sectors. Perhaps the most daunting
challenge will come not so much from accommodating racial diversity, but
dealing with the problem — existent in virtually all advanced
economies — of class.
Over the past two decades, education, global competition and other
factors have led to a concentration of wealth. Recent surveys found nearly
two-thirds of Americans fear that their children will face longer odds in
trying to achieve their dreams. These troubling statistics may lead some to
call for shutting down immigration, or adopting European-style
redistributive politics. Although immigration and economic policies may need
some adjustment, emulating the European welfare state or blockading the
border would snuff out the very sources of entrepreneurial energy necessary
to meet our future challenges.
Instead, we need to deal with the future by doing those things that in
the past Americans have done best — building new infrastructure and
giving people the opportunity to take care of themselves and their families.
Most major surges of economic growth and population have been facilitated by
such investments — canals in the early 19th century; railroads during
the industrial age; roads, bridges and electrification during the Roosevelt,
Truman and Eisenhower eras. Today we need to commit ourselves to building
both hard and new infrastructure: more universal high-capacity broadband and
better drainage systems, new electric transmission lines and renewable
energy sources, better roads and innovative forms of public transit.
Governments at every level can and should play a critical role in this
great project. But we also need to take advantage of the vast pool of
private capital available both here and abroad for such investments.
Investors can be lured, as in the past, by the opportunities created by a
growing nation. Building toll roads or super-fast trains between burgeoning
Texan or Californian cities offers far better prospects than doing the same
in Japan or Germany, whose populations are gradually diminishing.
* * *
Finally, there is the issue of our constitutional system that protects
the rights of both property and people. Despite the hysteria in the media
and among partisans, neither the fecklessness of Bill Clinton nor the
ineptitude of George Bush has done fundamental damage to the Republic's core
values and its basic institutions.
As Tocqueville noted over 170 years ago, America has flourished not
because of geniuses in Washington but due to its Constitution, fertile land
mass, egalitarianism, entrepreneurship, unique spiritual vitality and
attachment to local community and family. This combination of factors has
always made us different from other countries, and, in this deeply cynical
and secular age, now more so than ever before.
These factors do much to explain why we have reached the 300-million
milestone at a time when most of our primary competitors are either
stagnating or shrinking. They also provide some reasonable expectation that
we will figure out how to accommodate the 400 million Americans living here
in the generation ahead.
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